Rasismul romanesc si maghiar vine acasa

MyExcavator

Preotul Bírók Károly din Ditrău, județul Harghita
Preotul Bírók Károly din Ditrău, județul Harghita

Preotul Bírók Károly din Ditrău, județul Harghita poate fi declarat ca cel mai rasist preot din Romania. E foarte posibil ca Bírók Károly sa creada ca nu are de ales, dar decizia lui (indepedenta sau nu) demonstreaza radicalizarea care are loc in Romania. Ungurii sau maghiarii din Romania, sunt influențați de media din Ungaria si Viktor Orban. Este ironic ca ungurii din Romania sunt considerati maghiari la mâna a doua , o situatie similara cu irlandezii din Irlanda de Nord care se cred britanici chiar daca englezii ii considera sa fie doar o colonie.

O discuție despre rasism este, de la bun început, sortită unor controverse interminabile, deoarece tot ceea ce gravitea-ză în jurul cuvântului „rasă” s-a aflat și se află în continuare undeva între știință și ficțiune – fie și pentru motivul că, din aria științelor, cel puțin sociologia va lua în serios ficțiunile în care crede o parte semnificativă a grupurilor studiate. Istorici mai mari sau mai mici, sociologi sau antropologi au intrat, de multe ori prea puțin pregătiți, în astfel de controverse, care necesită o abordare interdisciplinară. Am încercat să semna-lez pe parcursul lucrării astel de cazuri, acolo unde mersul discuției mi-a permis. Dificultatea constă, pe de o parte, în a desena spațiul rasis-mului în decupajul oferit de practici și discursuri: pot exista practici rasiste fără ca acestea să fie susținute de un discurs științific, la fel cum pot exista discursuri rasiste care, din ca-uza inconsistenței lor sau, din contră, din cauza prea multor subtilități, să nu aibă capacitatea de a susține practici rasiste. Pentru clarificarea acestor aspecte, am prezentat o perspectivă teoretică asupra chestiunii , care, foarte pe scurt, vede rasismul acolo unde, indiferent de semnal-mentele culturale ale individului, primează semnalmentele unui strămoș – și, bineînțeles, există mijloacele tehnice ale memoriei filiației. Pe de altă parte, există o dificultate pe care aș numi-o politică. Deoarece, cu exemple bine alese de vorbe sau de fapte, se poate ajunge foarte ușor la imaginea pe care cercetătorul a avut-o înainte de a-și începe cercetarea.

Lucian Butaru

Avocatul Poporului s-a sesizat din oficiu cu privire la posibila încălcare a dispozițiilor art. 18 alin. (1) din Constituție care vizează drepturile garantate străinilor și apatrizilor, în ceea ce privește situația a doi cetățeni sri-lankezi, angajați cu forme legale în cadrul unui agent economic de pe raza localității Ditrău, județul Harghita. Plecând de la informațiile apărute în mass-media națională și locală și pe fondul unui interes real al opiniei publice față de situația semnalată, a fost efectuată o anchetă.

În localitatea Ditrău există un conflict local mai vechi de natură economică între societatea comercială AGM Eco Corporate SRL, pe de o parte, și câțiva foști angajați ai acesteia, pe de altă parte. Apariția celor doi cetățeni sri-lankezi a acutizat acest conflict și a condus la manifestări excesive și intolerante din partea mai mulor cetățeni.

Garaj Auto Romanesc, Mecanici Romani in Londra 07951900244 Meadow Industrial Estate Unit 9, Dale Cl, Barnet, Greater London EN5 1AU
Garaj Auto Romanesc, Mecanici Romani in Londra 07951900244 Meadow Industrial Estate Unit 9, Dale Cl, Barnet, Greater London EN5 1AU

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  1. Presumably, not that many Romanians had ever heard of Ditrau until a few days ago. Apart from its mighty neo-Gothic Sacred Heart of Jesus church, it is an inconspicuous village in the Szeklerland, a region in southeastern Transylvania in Romania, which is mainly home to members of the Hungarian minority. Suddenly, however, the small village, with its almost 5,000 citizens, has become the focus of public attention due to a case of xenophobia as sad as it is absurd.

    Ditroi Pekseg, a bakery and pasta company with 60 employees, recently hired two expert bakers from Sri Lanka — faced with a lack of skilled workers due to massive migration in the area, the company simply could not find suitable workers anywhere nearby.

    The arrival of the Sri Lankan bakers unleashed a wave of xenophobia in the village, however. The men were legally employed, but several hundred villagers demanded a “migrant-free Ditrau.”

    Read more: Romania seeking a return to normality
    Successful export of ideology

    Xenophobic incidents are not a new phenomenon in Romania. The events in Ditrau illustrate, however, how successfully Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has been exporting his less-than-liberal ideologies to neighboring countries, creating parallel ethnic worlds in Hungarian minority communities there.

    Like most villages in Romania’s Szeklerland ethnographic area, Ditrau is almost exclusively inhabited by ethnic Hungarians. Apart from a smaller number of Roma in the village, only the village police officers are ethnic Romanians. The Szekler Hungarians are Catholic, extremely traditional and conservative. For the most part, Ditrau locals watch, read and listen to Hungarian media close to the state — which inevitably reflect Orban’s ethno-nationalistic, chauvinistic ideologies. In terms of cultural policy, many Szekler Hungarians might as well be living in Hungary; Romania hardly matters to them.

    After the two Sri Lankan bakers arrived in Ditrau, an anonymous group called “Migrant-Free Ditrau” appeared on Facebook. Last week a local Catholic priest and about two hundred protesters gathered in front of the Ditrau mayor’s office to demonstrate against what they called an infiltration of foreigners. The landlady who had taken in the Sri Lankan bakers received threats, and the two men were forced to leave the village.

    “These incidents are clearly xenophobic and they are undoubtedly related to the influence of the Hungarian media in Transylvania,” Transylvanian lawyer Peter Eckstein-Kovacs, a prominent liberal politician of the Hungarian minority in Romania, told Deutsche Welle. In 2018, Eckstein resigned from the “Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania” (UDMR), the Hungarian minority’s largest party in Romania because he felt it had become a lobby for Orban’s Fidesz party in Transylvania.

    Read more: For nationalists, NGOs are the new enemy
    Influential Hungarian media

    Hungarian media have been instrumental in contributing to the events in Ditrau, says Zoltan Sipos of the transparency watchdog group Atlatszo. “We are dealing with a flood of propaganda from the Hungarian media, which meets a rather closed society in Szeklerland,” the Transylvanian-Hungarian journalist, an expert on Orban and Fidesz’s influence in Romania, told DW.

    Meanwhile, the Romanian-speaking public has taken a huge interest in the events in Ditrau. Commentators have condemned the events with rare severity. For the first time, Orban’s export of ideology is the subject of a broad debate outside the nationalist spectrum. “Under the influence of the huge amount of money that Budapest is throwing at Romania, the UDMR has almost completely abandoned its own identity,” writes Cristian Pantazi, a journalist with the G4Media portal.

    Some Romanian politicians, including former head of state Traian Basescu, are using the Ditrau incidents for nationalist attacks on the Hungarian minority. Days after the incidents, the UDMR distanced itself from the xenophobia and hate propaganda. That is hypocritical, according to Transylvanian-Hungarian publicist Arpad Kulcsar, who argues the party often enough incites attacks against Roma or Romanians.

    Back in Ditrau, the situation is more complex. Some residents really are anti-foreigner, while others are concerned that the bakery uses its recruitment policy to lower wages. In the past, people say, the bakery often would not pay overtime — accusations the owners have denied. “Sometimes the locals are not as good at articulating their real problems, such as low wages or the underdevelopment of the region,” Zoltan Sipos argues. “That is why they resort to the propaganda language used by the media they consume.”
    Millions of euros for Hungarians in Romania

    Orban’s support of the minorities — with tens of millions of euros annually via foundations — remains problematic, Sipos says. “It’s all very non-transparent and it creates a dependency that is very damaging to the independent development of our minority,” says Sipos.

    The fact that Hungary supports its minorities is a good thing, “but the manner in which it does so is sometimes very dubious, for instance when economic development is apportioned on an ethnic basis,” Peter Eckstein-Kovacs says. It is also absurd for a minority community to represent the government policy of another country, the lawyer says, adding that “Transylvanian-Hungarian policies must become independent again.”

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